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With Jennie Formby's coronation, Corbyn has total control of Labour

Jeremy Corbyn shares a joke with Jennie Formby.
Jeremy Corbyn shares a joke with Jennie Formby. Photograph: Leon Neal/AFP/Getty Images

Jennie Formby’s coronation as Labour’s general secretary marks the culmination of a two-year battle by Jeremy Corbyn and his supporters to parlay his decisive leadership victory into complete control of the party machine.

The membership, the trade unions and officials at Labour HQ – all will now be foursquare behind the leadership. And while some MPs remain sceptical – a few downright hostile – they have little hope in the short-to-medium term of shifting the balance of power within the party.

Ask Corbyn’s team about all this, and they dismiss it loftily as “processology”. But Formby’s appointment is the latest example of the considerable energy they have devoted to pushing supportive candidates into every key party post – with critics complaining there is too much focus on ideology, and not enough on suitability for the job.

All Labour leaders have sought to stamp their imprint on the party and when the Corbynites took over, they sometimes felt Southside, Labour’s headquarters on Victoria Street in Westminster, was working against them.

With each advance by Corbyn and his army of backers in the Labour membership – the victory over Owen Smith’s leadership challenge, last year’s better-than-expected general election result, the latest set of NEC elections – they believe the mood has shifted in their favour, not least through staff attrition.

But that has stepped up decisively since the departure of Formby’s predecessor, Iain McNicol – widely regarded as inevitable once leftwingers won enough seats on the NEC in January to constitute a reliable majority.

The most senior woman at Southside, Emilie Oldknow, announced her departure last week, and several more party officials followed on Monday.

“I think it’s desperately sad,” said one veteran insider. “Whatever you think of people’s politics, Labour has always prided itself on being a broad church. Now ideology is the most important thing and to hell with skills, experience, the time and work you put in.”

The same charge is levelled at the departing staff, however. Corbyn’s former spokesman Matt Zarb-Cousin tweeted:

Formby’s path to the job wasn’t entirely smooth, despite having the imprimatur of Corbyn and his close lieutenant Karie Murphy. Some of Labour’s other trade union backers were irritated by what they saw as a stitch-up, which played into fears about the “Unite-ification” of the upper echelons of the party.

The trade union is Labour’s biggest donor, and its chief of staff, Andrew Murray, a close ally of Corbyn’s most senior adviser, Seumas Milne, has been working on part-time secondment to the leader’s office.

One shadow cabinet member said of the way Formby’s candidacy was pushed by the leader’s office, “it’s old-style backroom politics: it’s what Tony Blair would have done”.

Jon Lansman, the founder of Corbyn-supporting campaign group Momentum, announced that he would stand against her, criticising “machine” politics – meaning backroom union fixes – and urging alternative female candidates to come forward.

He ultimately withdrew – but his entry into the race hinted at conflicting views about the ultimate aims of the Corbyn project; and simmering personal tensions between some of its key players.

And that is the question now preoccupying Labour MPs and senior party insiders from across the spectrum – what is the new party establishment going to do with its newfound dominance?

A much clearer picture will emerge when Corbyn’s political secretary, Katy Clark, begins to publish her review of Labour party democracy, submissions to which close this week. She is expected to recommend far-reaching reforms, to give Labour’s 500,000-plus members more of a voice in policymaking; change how future leaders are chosen; and potentially to make it easier for unsympathetic MPs to be removed.

Corbyn shows little sign of wearying of his responsibilities – but it is becoming increasingly clear that by the time he decides to spend more time with his allotment, Labour will be a radically different party from the one Ed Miliband left behind, not just in political makeup but in structure too.