Opinion: Aside from photo ops and missed opportunities, what has Stormont achieved?
They say a week is a long time in politics, but after a year of watching the comings and goings at Stormont, it feels like we’ve lived through a millennium. This weekend marks one year since the much-trumpeted return of Northern Ireland’s power-sharing institutions, and while there have been a few bright spots, the overall picture resembles the proverbial curate’s egg.
When the Assembly returned, the First and deputy First Ministers wasted no time in seizing a few headline-grabbing photo opportunities. Michelle O’Neill made history by becoming the first Sinn Féin representative to attend a PSNI graduation ceremony in an official capacity, while Emma Little-Pengelly swapped high politics for high sticks with a spot of camogie at a GAA club in West Belfast. While all this is all very symbolic, beyond the PR exercises, the real question remains — what has Stormont actually achieved?
If legislation is the primary job of government, then Stormont’s performance this past year would earn a resounding “must do better” from any reasonable teacher. Back in May, the Executive pledged to bring forward 18 bills before the end of 2024. Fast forward to today, and only seven have made it to the Assembly chamber. Even the SDLP’s Leader of the Opposition, Matthew O’Toole, has been left asking if anyone in the Executive actually remembers what a legislative timetable looks like.
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Then there’s the Programme for Government which in theory, is supposed to set the Executive’s priorities. It took an agonising seven months to produce a draft that was light on measurable targets, and we’re still waiting for the final version. The last time Northern Ireland actually had a functioning Programme for Government was in 2011. When I pressed the First Minister on the delay earlier this week, she blamed Storm Eowyn for the document not being published ahead of the first anniversary, which, while a formidable weather event, does not explain why this document has been languishing for months.
The UK Government’s £3.3 billion financial package was meant to give Northern Ireland’s economy a much-needed shot in the arm, covering everything from public sector pay rises to crumbling infrastructure. But if we were expecting an economic boom, what we got instead was more of a damp squib. Even with extra cash from Rachel Reeves’ budget, government departments are still struggling to make ends meet.
Economy Minister Conor Murphy boldly announced a plan to “turn the economy around” over three years as he appointed four independent experts to advise his department. Since then, there have been some promising investments and a handful of job creation announcements. But, let’s be honest, transforming Northern Ireland’s economy will take more than the odd press release.
Meanwhile, unemployed young people were dealt a fresh blow with the scrapping of the JobStart scheme, which had been helping 16-24-year-olds at risk of long-term unemployment find their feet in the workplace. So much for investing in the future.
Ministers and departments have not been without their share of scandals. The Communities and Education Ministers came under fire for meeting with the Loyalist Communities Council, while the Department of Health had to apologise after someone on its social media team “accidentally” liked a tweet from Jamie Bryson urging union members to leave Unite over its support for anti-racism protests.
Meanwhile, the Executive’s decision to impose a temporary ban on puberty blockers for young people experiencing gender dysphoria caused significant backlash from LGBTQ+ groups. That temporary measure was quietly extended in December, this time unanimously, on the basis of evidence that the Executive Office* still refuses to disclose.
And let’s not forget the Casement Park debacle. The Executive’s failure to convince Westminster to cough up the necessary funding means that Northern Ireland will now be left out of hosting the Euros in 2028 which is a missed opportunity that will cost the region millions in lost tourism revenue.
Brexit continues to cast its long, familiar shadow. As 2024 drew to a close, Stormont voted to maintain key elements of the Windsor Framework for another four years, despite unionist objections. The DUP’s attempt to use the much talked-up “Stormont Brake” on chemical labelling failed spectacularly when the Secretary of State pointed out that the issue was already devolved. So much for newfound influence.
It’s not all doom and gloom. One of the Executive’s real successes has been its strategy to tackle violence against women and girls, securing much-needed funding and policy commitments. It’s a rare example of meaningful progress in an area where government action can genuinely make a difference.
Similarly, Stormont’s handling of the recent storms showed that when the political will exists, Northern Ireland’s leaders can work together effectively. But if that’s the exception rather than the rule, it doesn’t bode well for the years ahead.
Looking to the future, there is still a glimmer of hope. Northern Ireland’s unique post-Brexit position could be a springboard for economic growth, and power-sharing, if taken seriously, still offers the best path forward for governance. But that will require more than just warm words and photo opportunities.
If the past year has shown us anything, it’s that these institutions are only as good as the ambition of those running them. The Executive has the power to deliver real change but only if it chooses to use it. And that, as ever in Northern Irish politics, remains the great uncertainty.
*The Executive Office continues to refuse to release all of the evidence considered by Ministers when making the decision to extend the ban on puberty blockers in December 2024. Since the publication of this article, the Department of Health has issued a statement in which they claim that it is inaccurate that evidence supporting the decision to ban puberty blockers has not been published.
In the statement, the Department of Health said: "The evidence that informed the Health Minister’s recommendations to the Executive is a matter of public record. It includes the Cass Review and an independent report by the Commission on Human Medicines.
"In addition, NI’s Chief Medical Officer, Professor Sir Michael McBride, provided written advice for the Executive Office in August 2024."
This advice has been published in FOI responses to two private individuals on 12 January 2025 and again on 5 February 2025.
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